Posts Tagged ‘2013 Philippine elections’


The farce continues.

Senator Francis Escudero

Senator Francis Escudero

After junking its three guest candidates–Senator Francis Escudero, Senator Loren Legarda, and former chief censor Grace Poe–the United Nationalist Alliance (UNA) tried to recruit replacements.  

UNA eyed evangelist Eddie Villanueva, Puerto Princesa Mayor Edward Hagedorn, and Bayan Muna party list representative Teddy Casino as replacements–but failed to get them.

Edward Hagedorn

Edward Hagedorn

Eddie Villanueva

Eddie Villanueva

Senator Loren Legarda

Senator Loren Legarda

To counter perceptions that UNA was not attractive enough to entice even struggling independent candidates, it is now peddling a new line.

I caught Nancy Binay, a daughter of Vice President Jejomar Binay and also an UNA senatorial candidate, mouthing this line (or words to that effect) on TV: We already junked three so why should we replace them with another three?

Teddy Casino

Teddy Casino

Hello, Ms. Binay!  You want a full slate because it indicates political strength.

Nancy Binay

Nancy Binay

Grace Poe

Grace Poe

Don’t blame me but I was waiting for her to lapse into numerology.  Nine is lucky and 12 is a curse!

In the same news program, UNA candidate Tingting Cojuangco (aunt of President Noynoy Aquino) intoned: nine is lighter than 12.  We can do more when we are less and less if we are more. (Go figure!)

Tingting Cojuangco

Tingting Cojuangco

Here’s another gem from UNA senatorial candidate JV Ejercito (son of former President Joseph Estrada): it is better to have nine united candidates rather than 12 who will betray each other.

Mr. Ejercito, I guess it is time for some education.  Every senatorial candidate is loyal only to himself.  Why?  Every other candidate is a rival; this is true even if the other candidate is part of your slate.  At the end of the day, only 12 of the candidates who received the highest number of votes will be proclaimed as senators.  How would you feel if you ranked 13th and a member of your slate was 12th and declared a senator?  Supposed the difference in your votes is only 200,000?   Will you not file a petition for a recount even if the person concerned is a member of your slate?

JV Ejercito

JV Ejercito

Elsewhere in this magical realist country and while a Team Pnoy rally was going on, local (Catholic) Church authorities in Bacolod City usurped the functions of the the Commission on Elections (COMELEC) and ‘approved’ the electoral bids of senatorial candidates belonging to Team Buhay (Team Life) and Team Patay (Team Death).  Through signage on the Bacolod City cathedral, however, the preference for Team Buhay was apparent.  Both (Church) teams are bipartisan and were delineated by the candidates’ stance on the reproductive health bill.  For the Church, a vote for the bill means that you are in favor of death (i.e. abortion).

Tarps on the Bacolod cathedral

Tarps on the Bacolod cathedral

On TV, I heard the Bacolod bishop claiming they were not commanding voters to vote in a certain way.  The tarps were for the guidance of voters in the city.

Team Patay

Team Patay

Immediately afterwards, as if on cue, the COMELEC told the Bacolod diocese to remove the tarps.  Not for ‘usurpation of COMELEC’s authority” but because they exceeded the size of tarps allowed by the COMELEC! And the bishop said the Church will comply.

Elsewhere, some Filipinos (my kind of Pinoys) responded wisely and wittily.  They came up with their own team: Team Patay Malisya.  In local parlance, it may mean absence of malice, disguised malice, tongue-in-cheek malice, and so forth.  Translated literally into English, it is Team Death Malice.  Or Team Malicious Death? LMAO!

Team patay malisya

With guys like this, I think there’s hope for our country.

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I will be 59 years old this coming April and  if I had a few doubts before, now I am fully convinced that being ludicrous, ridiculous, and absurd is endemic and natural in Philippine politics.

Ludicrous politicians are aplenty during elections.  When it was announced last year, I am sure the sharing of three ‘guest’ senatorial candidates by both the administration and the opposition slates was insane.  First question: as guest candidates of competing slates, will they campaign with both?   Any campaign planner will immediately tell you that the idea will lead to administrative nightmares.  Campaigning with friendlies is already a problem.  How much more with canoeing in two rivers?

The 'guest' candidates

The ‘guest’ candidates

As it turned out, the ‘guests’ stuck with the pro-administration Team Pnoy in campaign sorties ‘forcing’ the opposition United Nationalist Alliance (UNA) to kick said guests out of their house.  

You think the absurdity ends there?  Absolutely not!

Re-electionist Senator Francis Escudero and newbie Grace Poe reportedly heaved a sigh of relief after getting booted out from UNA.  

Norman Bordadora of the Philippine Daily Inquirer reported today on Poe’s reaction:

“Parang nabunutan ako ng tinik [It’s like a thorn has been pulled from my side],” Poe told reporters who sought her comment on UNA’s move.

“When I learned that there were conditions [for being adopted by UNA], of course, I found myself in a difficult situation,” she added.

Poe indicated that she couldn’t go against President Aquino’s wishes when he says candidates have to be in certain rallies and campaign sorties—presidential preferences that could have meant Poe shunning UNA rallies during the campaign period” (http://newsinfo.inquirer.net/362655/escurdero-poe-heave-sigh-of-relief-after-una-junking).

Grace Poe

Grace Poe

I would like presume that Ms. Poe has a modicum of intelligence and should have realized that guesting in both slates will not do.  Why, even celebrities know that.  An ABS-CBN talent cannot just work with the rival GMA-7 network or even with ABC-5.

Escudero tries to but fails (miserably) to take the high ground.  Bordadora continues his report: 

“Asked if it was a relief that the issue of common candidates has been put to rest, Escudero said, “Yes, because this election has never been about petty issues of which rally you attend.”

“It was and has always been about platform, issues, principles and one’s genuine desire to serve the people faithfully and with integrity,” Escudero told the Inquirer”.

Mr. Escudero, the issue at hand is not petty. Let me explain in terms you can possibly understand.  You agreed to have two girlfriends; thus you have to take both, instead of just one, on a Valentine’s Day date.  If you have principles, you shouldn’t have two girlfriends in the first place.  Perhaps, expecting a politician to have principles is a tad too much.

Senator Francis Escudero

Senator Francis Escudero

What about the third ‘guest’  candidate,  re-electionist Senator Loren Legarda?  

Bordadora continues:  

“Legarda said she has yet to be officially informed by UNA of its decision.

“But whatever happens my respect, regard and love for President Estrada, Vice President Binay who’s really dedicated and Senate President Enrile, to whom I am really close will never change,” Legarda said.

“So the friendship should not be affected,” she added”.

Senator Loren Legarda

Senator Loren Legarda

Former President Joseph Estrada, Vice President Jejomar Binay, and Senate President Juan Ponce Enrile are the acknowledged “Three Kings” of UNA while President Noynoy Aquino is the principal campaigner for his team.

This issue shows the mix of personalism (e.g. Poe was invited by her ninong Erap, to be guest candidate and she’s is sad about the junking because Erap promised full support), sophomoric hypocrisy,  feigned naivete, and naked opportunism.  

Were we entertained by this theater of the absurd?


Pro-administration Team Pnoy senatorial slate

Pro-administration Team Pnoy senatorial slate

The campaign period for the May 2013 by-elections has started.  It is probably the best time to review what we (should or already) know about elections in the Philippines.   

UNA: opposition senatorial slate

UNA: opposition senatorial slate

  1. Even if the Philippines is in the tropics, it also has four seasons like temperate countries. It has a dry and a wet season.  And there’s the Christmas season–purportedly the longest Christmas celebration in the world.  It starts in September and ends in early January of the following year.  Last but not least is the election season, which starts in January and ends in the middle of May.  Note that the election season almost immediately follows Christmas for a seamless stream of festivities.  Formally, elections are held only every three years.  However, politicians (incumbents especially) usually behave as if elections will be held tomorrow.  So they preen, and they tidy up, and they put their best foot forward, and dispense all kinds of goodies to constituents.
  2. There are only two kinds of politicians in Philippine elections: the winners and the cheated.  Instead of conceding gracefully, the default behaviour of losing candidate is to claim the occurrence of fraud in favour of the winning candidate.
  3. Even if the Philippines is the oldest democracy in Asia, it took more than a century to modernize the way we vote and count votes.  Younger Asian democracies (with larger populations) like India had started using electronic voting machines since 1999.  In contrast, the Philippines adopted similar machines on a nation-wide basis only in 2010.  In both countries, though, the credibility of the voting machines rests on an independent verification system  designed to allow voters verify that their votes were cast correctly, to detect possible election fraud or malfunction, and to provide a means to audit the stored electronic results. Since every election in the Philippines is governed by a specific law, the continued use of voting machines is not assured. 

    Liberal Party: head of the ruling coalition

    Liberal Party: head of the ruling coalition

  4. The Philippine Constitution provides for a multi-party system, which is actually more fit for a parliamentary system.  While multiple parties exist in name, most of them are mere vehicles for electoral bids of key politicians. There is no prohibition on party switching and voters do not penalize politicians who switch
    Nacionalista Party: a component of Team Pnoy

    Nacionalista Party: a component of Team Pnoy

    parties.  For example, the senatorial slate of President Benigno Aquino is composed of candidates from several political parties.  The opposition line-up is similarly constituted by politicians from different parties.  What makes the situation rather absurd is the

    PDP Laban: a component of the UNA slate

    PDP Laban: a component of the UNA slate

    adoption by the opposing coalitions of three guest candidates. It is an indication of the bankruptcy and lack of imagination on both sides.  There is surely no lack of suitable candidates on both camps but they decided instead to guest ‘sure-win’ candidates.  In the past week, so-called guest candidates chose to campaign with the administration candidates.  This prompted threats from the opposition coalition that it will no longer carry said guest candidates followed by inane

    PMP: another component of the UNA slate

    PMP: another component of the UNA slate

    ripostes from some of the ‘guests’ that their loyalty is to the Filipino people and not to any political coalition.

  5. At the end of an election (general or otherwise), political alignments will either be with or against the incumbent administration.  There is no rule prohibiting those who styled themselves as opposition candidates and won to join the pro-administration coalition after the elections.  The move is explained as a way to ensure funds for district projects, the idea being the President is more inclined to approve projects if they were proposed by political allies rather by political opponents.  Sometimes, it does not work in such a neat way. Presidents may court the critical votes of opposition politicians by providing pork barrel allocations and other forms of patronage.
  6. The discussion above highlights the difference between candidate-centered vs. party-centered electoral systems.  In party-centred polities, political parties choose their candidates through primaries, party conventions and caucuses.  In these polities, party discipline prevails; party members follow the party (voting) line in legislative bodies.  It is unthinkable for politicians to switch parties like butterflies flitting from a flower to another.  In sum, what is important is the political party as a ‘brand’.  It stands for something–an ideology, a political program–and its leaders and members are secondary.  Votes are cast for a politician because he is strongly associated with a party ‘brand’.  In contrast, parties are not strong ‘brands’ in candidate-centered systems.  Candidates are the ‘brands’ and political parties are just extraneous packaging or wrappings that may be changed in the next election.  The candidate does not need an ideology or a political program.  Rather, he must have a reputation of performance–of providing divisible favors to constituents,  supporters, and financiers such as hand-outs, jobs, infrastructure projects, and preferential treatment by government such as exemptions and special credits.  He then claims that these ‘public goods’ were made possible by his ‘private performance’.  Thus, the ubiquitous presence of ‘Epal[1] tarps’ in all corners of archipelago make sense.

    Example of epal tarp

    Example of epal tarp

  7. In candidate-centered polities like the Philippines, the differences between legislators and local chief executives are blurred.  Voters and politicians alike do not consider legislation as the primary work of legislators.  If a legislator behaved as a pure legislator and concentrated on making laws, he will most likely not be re-elected.  Voters will see him as a useless politician since he did not ‘bring home the bacon’.  The legislator must behave like local chief executives (LCEs),  as provincial governors, city and town mayors, and even barangay captains,  who must deliver divisible goods.  For this reason, among others, legislators and  LCEs had seen it fit to play a game of electoral musical chairs especially since the enactment of the Local Government Code (LGC) in 1991.  Through the 1991 LGC,  funds available to LCEs of some local government units (LGUs) became more substantial than those of congressional district representatives.  However, a better explanation for this behavior is the term-limit rule.  Representatives and LCEs can only serve for three consecutive terms of three years each.   The ability to run for other electoral posts helps politicians with expiring terms to maintain their hold on political power. 
  8. The other way around term-limits is to field relatives (wife, husband, son, daughter, etc.) for the soon-to-be vacated post(s).  This could just be a bench-warming strategy; the relative keeps the post for a three-year term until the principal is eligible once more to run for the post.  However, it could also be an expansionist strategy.  The ‘bench-warmer’ had gained valuable experience and exposure; these assets could be parlayed into another electoral post.  These circumstances can explain the origins of political dynasties in the Philippines.  Let’s recall the case of former President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo.  Arroyo hunkered into a survival strategy after her electoral mandate was put
    Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo

    Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo

    into serious question after the 2005 ‘Hello Garci’ scandal.  The strategy apparently covered the post-presidency period and Arroyo ran for a congressional seat in her home province to acquire a modicum of immunity.  During her incumbency as President, that same seat was occupied by one of her sons.  To accommodate her, the son did not contest the same seat but chose to run for another post instead.  The filial ties between mother and son were key to this unprecedented post-presidential survival strategy. 

  9. The Philippine Constitution explicitly prohibits political dynasties.  However, the same constitutional provision is not self-executory and requires that an enabling law must be passed.  However, all attempts to pass such a law have failed so far, and understandably so since most legislators are members of what could be rightly called political dynasties.  The current by-elections can lead to the consolidation of several political dynasties associated with the biggest and brightest names in Philippine politics–Aquino, Angara, Enrile, Cojuangco, Escudero, Binay,  etc.  The political dynasty issue is rather a complicated one.  Proponents of banning or controlling political dynasties argue that it will strengthen Philippine democracy by broadening choice of candidates and removing the undue advantages of dynasties (wealth, experience, exposure, and name recall, among others).  Those who would advise caution think an anti-dynasty law is actually an unconstitutional provision.  It violates the equal treatment clause of the Constitution.  Why should a son or daughter or a brother or a grandson or an uncle be prohibited from contesting an electoral post because a relative is in power?  What would justify discriminatory treatment?
  10. One thing that political dynasties have going for them is that they are better able to handle the ever-rising costs of elections.  Key considerations are population growth–the growth of the voting population–and the rather fixed length of the electoral campaign period.  In the past, candidates (especially those for national posts) thought it was adequate to rely on hand-shaking, posters, flyers, city-hopping, and miting-de-avance to win.  However, the increased number of voters and the fixed
    TV spot for Pnoy during 2010 election campaign

    TV spot for Pnoy during 2010 election campaign

    campaign period forced candidates to use television and radio as the primary campaign tools.  Not that the mass media corporations are complaining.  They are in fact so happy since a previous ban on electronic campaigning was lifted.  The increased prominence of electronic media in Philippine elections raises serious questions regarding election campaign finance and electronic campaigning.  If TV and radio presence is a function of a candidate’s money, if TV and radio presence enhances a candidate’s name recall and chances of winning, what rules are being implemented regarding these activities?  Are they adequate?  What reforms are needed?

    TV spot for 2010 presidential candidate Gibo Teodoro

    TV spot for 2010 presidential candidate Gibo Teodoro

      

  This is not an exhaustive list; it could be expanded to 50 things about Philippine elections.  Perhaps we can end with the question: is it more fun with Philippine elections?  The response will be mixed.  We do not a have a porn star-member of the Italian parliament who delivers her speeches with a breast exposed.  We do not have brawling

Brawling Taiwanese legislators

Brawling Taiwanese legislators

parliamentarians as in Taiwan and South Korea.  On the other hand, our elections are fun!  We love our elections!  Elections are fiestas, extravaganzas, spectator sports, boxing bouts, and cockfights all rolled into one.  There are movie stars, starlets, stand-up comics, and dance troupes galore.  And there’s food and drink. And cash gifts!    Reportage on elections reflect these metaphors.   Now you know why a lot of Filipinos want elections to happen annually rather than every three years.

Miting de avance

Miting de avance


[1] ‘Epal‘ is a play on and is derived from the Filipino word ‘mapapel‘.  Roughly translated into English, it means ‘credit grabbing’ or ‘attention grabbing’.  It is obviously a pejorative; the politician is admonished for trumpeting what he is duty-bound to do.  Epal also creates two related discourses: the public should be grateful to the politician and that, perhaps, the politician is spending his personal money for the public’s benefit.  The tarp (short for tarpaulins) became the medium of choice with the advent of appropriate software and large printers.